The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as one of the most influential occupants of that position in US history. While numerous vice-presidents were limited to marginal or figurehead functions, Cheney held substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president malleable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any unresponsive aircraft approaching the government building.
Cheney said the strikes changed him, making him become focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith back then and I hold that view presently."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: at worst, lying, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for such action. He had written a document outlining situations in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the Oval Office generally inclined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a plot to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his parent's face that each person had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were both weak or completely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had come from the torture, Cheney rejected the report as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place procedures to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees emerge from his lair? It's a nice way to operate, actually."
Business Interests
Debate over his business interests accompanied him during his tenure as VP. While he had minimal expertise in business but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US contracts worth multiple billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his time at the firm grew from his $258,394 while defence secretary to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth more than $20m|twenty
